Why edict of milan was important
No one in the fourth century, therefore, for which egalitarian ideas were, it need hardly be said, incomparably more revolutionary than they are in the twentieth, could ever have supposed that Constantine's simple instructions on a single point of law constituted an adequate substitute for the Edict. In addition, the proponents of 4 overlook the fact that, as the emperors explain HE, 10, 5, 2 f. Thus, the emperors would have felt obliged to issue the Edict, even if the letter to Anulinus had been far more satisfactory a pronouncement on the religious question than it really was.
There is some dispute as to what these vexatious condiciones This hypothesis, though confidently asserted, is purely an assumption, rests on no ancient or mediaeval evidence, and completely ignores the fact, which is obvious on even a casual examination, that the Edict of is fuller, more decisive, and more advanced in terms of the relations between Christianity and the State than any of the previous constitutions which had dealt with this problem.
None of the critics explains why Gonstantine should have preferred the inadequate measure grudgingly yielded to the Christians by one of the most ruthless persecutors of the Church to the much more humane document the Edict of which bears his own name HE, 10, 5, ; MP, Indisputably, Constantino would have found Galerius's Edict.
These imperfections are so numerous and so glaring that Eusebius could not possibly have pronounced the document embracing them to be "the most perfect and fully articulated law" promulgated by Constantine and Licinius in behalf of the Christians HE, 9, 9, 12; cf. The scholars who have propounded this unfortunate theory did not compare the two texts and, still worse, detached Eusebius's sentence on the most perfect law from the paragraph in which Eusebius makes it clear see p.
Indeed, the very existence of the Edict of , bearing his name as one of its imperial sponsors, would have been enough to persuade Constantine of the necessity for superseding it with one that would be more expressive of his own sentiments. But after he had won his way to the rank of senior Augustus as a result of his victory over Maxentius MP, 44, 11 , he would surely have wished to assert himself in the spirit of his overwhelming spiritual experience on the eve of October 28, Notwithstanding all the compelling reasons Constantine would have had for preparing new legislation of his own on religious freedom,.
Proof of these propositions is found in the proceedings of a trial held in before a certain Aelian, who was proconsul in Carthage and is quoted as having said 43 : Constantinus Maximus semper Augustus et Licinius Caesares ita pietatern, christianis exhibere dignantur, ut disciplinam corrumpi nolint, sed potius obseruari relegionem sic istam et coli uelint.
These words have been taken to be a citation of the Edict of Galerius ita ut ne quid contra disciplinam agant. Even if this interpretation be correct, however, and even if Aelian was not merely giving his own exegesis of the Edict of which, like any other new law, overthrew certain regulations without abolishing the legal system as a whole , it has been shown 44 , he was not citing the Edict of Galerius as his authority on religious toleration since this was not at issue but only as his justification for requiring the Christians, like all others, to obey the ordinary civil law.
In this case, a certain Ingentius, a Donatist who had forged a letter libelling Bishop Felix of Aptungi as a traditor i.
To this defence Aelian replied 45 : Noli itaque tibi blandiri, quod cum mihi dicas dei cultorem te esse, [ac delendurn] propterea non possis torqueri. Torqueris, ne mentiaris, quod alienum, christianis esse uidetur.
Et ideo die simpliciter, ne lorquearis. The rack is to prevent lies, which, I hear, the. Christians abhor. So, tell the truth, and you will not be tortured. Since we have disposed of all possible objections, there can be no doubt that in Constantine and Licinius issued an Edict which clarified and restated in new terms the principio of religious freedom as set forth by Galerius in What the two emperors now did was to put the Christians on a plane of complete equality with the pagans in all matters of religion and worship HE, 10, 5, ; MP, 48, At the same time, the restrictions previously imposed upon the Christians were lifted, and immediate restitution was ordered of all the property which had been confiscated from the churches HE, 10, 5, ; MP, 48, Pagans who suffered financial loss as a result of complying with this regulation were to be indemnified by the State HE, 10, 5, 10f.
Nothing was said about making similar amends to individual Christians But the Christian communities as a whole gained immeasurably more than this in now being accorded by both emperors the status of legal corporations 47 corpus, s? It has been argued 48 that Constantine had granted this right to the Christians of Africa somewhat earlier, in his Edict to Anulinus HE, 10, 5, But there are objections to this view, and the Edict the first document that indubitably recognizes both the corporate legal capacity of the Church and the principle of freedom of worship.
At the same time, the new privilege of religious liberty granted the Christians was specifically extended to all others HE, 10, 5, 4 f. On the contrary,. Eusebius omits the last relative clause and the adjective summa, but he shares with Lactantius the abstract noun diuinitas, which he translates simply by t? Although the Edict guaranteed freedom to all religions, the emphasis throughout is on the Christians, who had never before been granted this privilege so unreservedly.
Since the latter constituted the majority throughout the Empire, especially in his portion of it, Constantine, despite the sincerity of his conversion to Christianity, would have made a special effort as in the choice of an innocuous substitute for the divine name in this Edict to avoid alarming them or goading them into rebellion under the banner of the ancient gods. Similar considerations would have weighed heavily also with Licinius, in whose part of the Empire the Christians, though more numerous than in the West, were nevertheless outnumbered by the pagans.
Imitation of the Edict on the Arch of Constantine. Under these circumstances, it was inevitable that Constantine's panegyrists and others who wished to honor him like the designers of the Arch of Constantine [dedicated in ] 50 would have imitated. In other words, there can be little doubt that the Edict was the obvious, but so far as I can see hitherto unrecognized, source for the new caution in the use of religious language which now came into style.
Thus, in an oration delivered soon after the Edict, in the summer or fall of , an unknown panegyrist 51 , addressing Constantine directly, asks what god or favoring divinity it was which inspired him to make his daring assault upon Rome [in October, ], against the advice of his advisers and soothsayers:.
Quisnam te deus, quae tarn praesens hortata [est? Later, the orator touches upon the diuina praecepta 4, 4 to which Constantine hearkened, and the divine guidance which directed him fll, 4: diuino monitus instinctu.
Likewise in the spirit of the Edict, at the end of this discourse, there is an apostrophe 26 to the lord of the universe, who is described as either some divine force or intellect or a power exalted above the heavens, in whom the highest goodness dwells. Several years later, in , the panegyrist Nazarius 52 took over the same terminology: ilia diuinitas 13, 5 , diuinitus 14,1 , uis diuinitatis 27, 5. The influence of the Edict upon these vague and circumlocutory expressions can be illustrated by comparison with two other panegyrics, both anonymous, which were pronounced in and , respectively.
In the former of these 53 , the unknown author, while cele-. In the second of these, the anonymous Gratiarum Actio Constantino Augusto 54 , mention is made of the di immortales 7, 6; 13, 1 , the "statues of all our gods" 8, 4: omnium deorum. The new restraint and meticulous avoidance of the names of the pagan divinities which characterizes the oration of are inexplicable except as an acknowledgement of Constantine's momentous experience on the eve of October 28, , and, more particularly, as a sign of deference to his terminological approach to divinity in the Edict.
Even more striking is the celebrated inscription on the Arch of Constantine 55 , which copied the ambiguous and neutral language of the Edict of in declaring that Constantine had won his victory over Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge on October 28, instinctu divinitatis "under the guidance [or inspiration] of divinity ".
Obviously, these ambivalent words were chosen deliberately in order to express gratitude for supernatural intervention without indicating a preference for either the Christian God or any of the pagan divinities. This is exactly the kind of appeal to unnamed divine powers which Constantine and Licinius had made in the Edict.
The reappearance of divinitas in this inscription is doubly significant, since the Roman Senate was predominantly pagan Hence, their adoption of this equivocal term proves that the senators, like the anonymous panegyrist of , had been informed about Constantine's religious experience on the eve of October 28, In addition, and more specifically, they showed thereby that they were consciously following the Constantinian religious policy and deferring to his method of referring to God as set forth in the Edict.
For this reason, in order not to offend the Emperor or violate the terms and spirit of the Edict, they scrupulously refrained from naming his former divine champion Sol Invictus the unconquered, i. At the. It is therefore improper to interpret the inscription on the Arch as if it were connected with the solar iconography 57 of the fourth century.
The attempt to read elements of a Neoplatonized solar mysticism into instinctu divinitatis has been popular in recent years. But this interpretation ignores both the political consequences of Constantine's conversion on the night of October , , and the true significance of the Edict. The solar and lunar sculptural elements in the decoration of the Arch were from Constantine's point of view purely adventitious, like most of the sculptures on this famous monument, which, as L'Orange and von Gerkan have demonstrated, were taken from other imperial structures of various kinds.
Therefore, the panegyric of and the inscription of prove not only that Constantine's subjects in the West were aware of the revolutionary change that had taken place in his religious beliefs in , but also that they realized that he was the author of the Edict,.
Los Angeles. Milton V. I acknowledge gratefully assistance from my colleague, Professor Lynn White, Jr. Eduard Schwartz, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, 9, 2 Berlin ; with English translation by J. Oulton and H. Toleranzedikts von Mailand",?????????? Heinrich Swoboda dargebracht Reichenberg, , I see no way to reconcile with texts or logic L's tortuous theory n.
Paris, , , n. Franz J. Kaiser von Konstantin d. Jones, The Later Roman. Empire , I Oxford, , 80 f. Walter Sclnniffhenner, Annales II. The most recent exponent of these views about the Edict is Joseph Vogt, Constantin der Grosse see next note , f. Seeck and Vogt, however, were content to attack the view that Constantine was the author of the Edict or issued it in his own realm. They accept the other elements of the historical tradition about Constantine the conversion, etc.
Among his most notable predecessors nota bene: Joseph Vogt, "Pagans and Christians in the family of Constantine the Great", The conflict between paganism and Christianity in the fourth century, ed. Arnaldo Momigliano Oxford, , ; idem, Constantin der Grosse, 2d ed. Jones, "Notes on the genuineness of the Constantinian documents in Eusebius's Life of Constantine", Journal of ecclesiastical history, 5 , With an appendix by T.
Skeat ; A. Jones, Constantine and the conversion of Europe reprinted, N. He soon used his power to address the status of Christians, issuing the Edict of Milan in This proclamation legalized Christianity and allowed for freedom of worship throughout the empire. In , Constantine defeated Licinius and took control of a reunited empire.
The conference at Milan undoubtedly resulted in a concordat. But its terms are known to us only from a rescript issued six months later by Licinius. This rescript was sent from his capital in Nicomedia—now Izmit in Turkey, just east of the Bosporus—to the governor of the nearby province of Bithynia.
The Christian writer Lactantius has preserved its original Latin, while the church historian Eusebius gives it in Greek. This applied to property belonging to individual Christians as well as to churches—and without regard for the present owners, who could apply to the state for compensation.
In reality, the subjects of Constantine in the Western Empire already enjoyed the toleration and property rights spelled out in this rescript. Only a few months earlier Constantine had become the first Roman emperor to throw in his lot with the Christians. Although the Milan summit decreed only strict parity for Christians alongside other religionists, hindsight reads between the lines and discerns the hint of things to come.
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